“Who is This Settler?”: A Theoretical Inquiry

“It is increasingly difficult to distinguish between settlers and soldiers.” Al-Huraini¹Hamdan Mohammed Al-Huraini. “Settler-Soldier Militas threaten Susiya with Death and Displacement.”, 927 Magazine (31 October 2023). https://www.972mag.com/susiya-settler-soldier-militia-displacement/, 12 Kasım 2023.

Although we have been talking about Israeli violence more intensely since October 7, the history, enduring effects, and consequences of this violence have been discussed in the field of social sciences for a long time. This article seeks to construct a nuanced portrayal of Israeli violence by delving into concepts like civilians and settlers, which have recently regained prominence in discussions. Considering the assertion made by the Turkish Foreign Minister: “…Definitions must change. This is not settlers; this is theft. This is how it should be expressed from now on. Recent events have shown that lies like this are not accepted. This lie does not bring peace to Israel and Palestine. This lie must be abandoned.”²TR 724. “Hakan Fidan’dan İsrail’e sert tepki: ‘Bunun adı yerleşimci değil, hırsızlıktır’”.TR 724 (17 Ekim 2023). https://www.tr724.com/hakan-fidandan-israile-sert-tepki-bunun-adi-yerlesimci-degil-hirsizliktir/, 12 Kasım 2023.

 And the comments of Palestinian historian Rashid Khalidi, a highly regarded figure in his field: “I hear some activist students saying things like: ‘Israelis are settlers, that’s why there are no civilians there.’ If you have even a little respect for international human rights, you would not say such a sentence.“³Rebecca Panovka & Kiera Barrow. “A Desperate Situation Getting More Desperate: An Interview with Rashid Khalidi”. The Drift (24 October 2023). https://www.thedriftmag.com/a-desperate-situation-getting-more-desperate/, 12 Kasım 2023. I aim to initiate a theoretical discussion on where we can conceptually situate the figure of the settler within the framework of the modern state and settler colonialism.

Regarding this ongoing discourse, I aim to incorporate the influence of American colonial history on Israel’s settler model and explore the intricate dynamics of violence that lie at the heart of the tension between settler colonialism and the modern state. By revisiting the notion that this phenomenon of violence serves as the foundational element of both the contemporary state and settler colonialism, particularly through the settlers’ practices of violence, we can gain deeper insights into the modern Palestinian issue. It is essential to acknowledge that the settler population is far from homogenous in the present context, and, as Khalidi rightly points out, it would be unreasonable to assert that all settlers align with the state. This paper’s objective is to engage in a theoretical examination of the concept of the settler, shedding light on the ongoing discourse surrounding the liberation process of Palestine within the framework of anti-colonialism. Furthermore, it seeks to scrutinize the intricate relationship between the settler and the state in both the Israeli and American contexts.

In his book “10 Myths About Israel,” Ilan Pappe contends that Israel operates within a settler colonial order rather than a colonialist one.⁴Ilan Pappe. Ten Myths About Israel. (NY: Verso Books, 2017), p.31. The key distinction lies in the process whereby the colonial power doesn’t merely control the colonized lands from a distance but asserts sovereignty by directly settling and altering the population. While newly arrived settlers may initially appear as guests or immigrants, their primary objective is not merely to find a new residence but to establish a new homeland. What sets the Israeli example apart from other settler-colonial instances is the presence of a distinct ideological and religious framework guiding this settler ideology.

During the 19th century, Zionist ideologists, influenced significantly by the emerging nation-state structure, collectively recognized the necessity of such a structure for the Jewish people. The Zionist ideal initially emerged as a modern and secular project. However, as circumstances evolved, including the profound impact of the Holocaust, the Jewish identity underwent a transformation shaped by religious and national values. The land of Palestine, previously part of Bilad al-Sham and under British mandate control at the time, was redefined as a homeland.

Crucially, for the Zionists, this definition held substantial significance, as it portrayed the land not as a new territory but as a historical homeland already inhabited by the Jewish people. This discourse provided them with a crucial legitimacy in their policies of occupation. The narrative emphasized a return to their historical land, marking the completion of exile and resurgence as a civilized society.⁵Ruth Gavison. “The Jews Right to Statehood: A Defense,” Azure 15, no.3 (2003): 70-108,80.

Despite the distinctions drawn in discourse between Israel and settler colonial examples like America and South Africa, Israel has heavily drawn upon the colonial past of America, the world’s first modern nation-state, to realize its aspiration of becoming a modern state. The shared colonial method that binds both Israel and the United States is the utilization of violence. To comprehend the magnitude of this violence, it is essential to delve into how integral state violence was to the process of settler colonialism.

According to available data, a staggering minimum of 56 million indigenous people lost their lives during the colonization of the Americas—encompassing North, Central, and South America.⁶Lauren Kent. “European colonizers killed so many Native Americans that it changed the global climate, researchers say”. CNN (2 February 2019). This stands as one of the most significant genocides in world history. The philosopher Hegel offers a perspective on the survival of South American natives despite enduring more violence than their North American counterparts. Hegel’s explanation is succinct: “The natives of South America were occupied, the natives of North America were exploited.”⁷George Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Lectures on the Philosophy of World History. H.B.Nisbet. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), p.163,164,167. This genocide not only laid the foundation for the modern state process in North America but also influenced the trajectories of many other modern states.

While the modern state is often conceived in the light of egalitarian and libertarian values, it is, in reality, a model with various forms of violence at its core. In its initial years of establishment, Israel was engaged in ethnic cleansing, leading to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and the loss of thousands of lives.⁸Rashid Khalidi. The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonial Conquest and Resistance, 1917-2017. (NY: Metropolitan Books, 2020), p.76-77-78. The echoes of this violent legacy resonate not only in Israel but also in the broader context of modern statehood, highlighting the inherent tensions between the professed ideals of equality and the historical reality of violence.

It is pertinent to delve into the longstanding debate surrounding the relationship between the modern state and violence. Max Weber, in his seminal work “Politics as a Vocation,” characterizes the contemporary state as an institution that monopolizes violence.⁹Marx Weber. Politics as a Vocation. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), p.6-7. In this framework, the state’s use of violence is legitimized, contrasting with the perceived illegitimacy and objectionable nature of violence wielded by citizens. However, settler colonialism introduces nuances to this conventional understanding of the modern state.

Similar to the modern state, settler colonialism is rooted in violence, but it diverges in the distribution of violence within the state apparatus. Here, the figure of the settler takes center stage. Functioning as an extension of the state, the settler implicitly supports the state in the process of eliminating the indigenous population. Mahmood Mamdani provides insight by distinguishing the immigrant from the settler. Unlike immigrants, settlers aim to politically transform the society they have recently entered.¹⁰Mahmood Mamdani. Neither Settler Nor Native: The Making and Unmaking of Permanent Minorities. (Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard, 2020), p.21.

This collaboration between settler colonialism and the settler does not negate established theories of the modern state; instead, it complements and expands our understanding of the state as an institution. Rather than viewing the state as a static bastion of a monolithic legitimacy network, this perspective allows us to conceive it as a dynamic structure willing to collaborate with specific actors, sharing the monopoly of violence when necessary. The partnership between settler colonialism and the settler thus reveals a more intricate and adaptive dimension of the state’s role in shaping societies.

In this context, it is pertinent to invoke Achille Mbembe’s concept of “necropolitics.” According to Mbembe, the state’s sovereignty is fundamentally rooted in its capacity to determine who shall live and who shall die within society.¹¹Achille Mbembe. Necropolotics. (Durham: Duke University Press, 2019), p.12. In colonial contexts, this inevitably leads to categorising certain groups as ‘exterminable’ masses. Consequently, a specific segment of society, the settlers in the context of this discussion, not only possesses the right to live but also holds the authority to employ violence against groups deemed ‘exterminable,’ such as the native population, when deemed necessary. This sanctioned use of violence often portrays the settler as the civilized defender protecting oneself while labelling the native as the barbarian to be eradicated.

What sets settler colonialism apart from Weber’s concept of the monopoly of violence is that it bestows this monopoly and the right to exterminate the settler as well. While this process may not be explicitly declared, it is regulated through laws, political decisions, and bureaucratic mechanisms. The crucial aspect of this colonial model is its reliance on the settler because it seeks to forge its majority. Unlike traditional colonialism, where the primary goal is to exploit the resources of the colonized territories, settler colonialism goes beyond to include the production of its citizens. On the one hand, settlers proliferate through population policies, and on the other, they can suppress the indigenous population through the sanctioned use of violence.

In the current scenario, the prevalence of physical violence and the widespread use of weapons among both Americans and Israeli settlers is not a mere coincidence. The enduring issues of gun laws and mass shootings in the United States are significant remnants of colonialism. According to a 2018 study, a substantial 82% of gun owners in the US are White.¹²Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz. “The Colonial Roots of Gun Culture”. In These Times (2 March 2018). https://inthesetimes.com/article/settler-colonialism-second-amendment-guns-white-supremacy-slavery#:~:text=Virginia%2C%20the%20first%20colony%2C%20forbade,afford%20to%20buy%20a%20weapon. 12 November 2023. The Second Amendment, a topic frequently debated in the US and often scrutinized by anti-gun advocates, grants citizens the right to carry firearms under the premise of self-defence. The roots of this amendment are directly intertwined with America’s colonial history. Since the colonial era, the government has endorsed this right, aiming to safeguard the lands seized by White settlers and expel the native populations.

Examining the case of Israel reveals a settler colonialism process akin to that observed in America. For Zionists, the existence of a Jewish society is inseparable from the idea of a Jewish state. To realize this vision, the initial objective of the Zionists was to stimulate Jewish migration to Palestine through successive waves of immigration known as aliyah. While the primary aim of the Jews during the first aliyah was not necessarily to establish a state or reside within the framework of a state, subsequent waves of immigration included settlers who carried the vision of creating a state. Following Israel’s independence in 1948, these settlers swiftly established their territories by creating neighbourhoods and pursued a policy of expansion.¹³Mahmood Mamdani. Neither Settler Nor Native: The Making and Unmaking of Permanent Minorities. (Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard, 2020), p.264.

The influential role of settlers in the expansion policy notably intensified following the 1967 occupation, leading to rapid growth in Israeli settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. A 2020 study estimates that between 600,000 to 750,000 Israeli settlers inhabit 290 different settlements.¹⁴Al Jazeera. “Who are Israeli settlers, and why do they live in Palestinian lands?”. Al Jazeera (6 Nov 2023). https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/11/6/who-are-israeli-settlers-and-why-do-they-live-on-palestinian-lands#:~:text=More%20than%20700%2C000%20settlers%20%E2%80%93%2010,is%20built%20without%20government%20authorisation. 12 November 2023. Initially, settlers initiated the establishment of settlements in the West Bank, deemed illegal under international law but gradually supported by the state over time. The state’s backing for these settlers is primarily aimed at expanding settlements into Palestinian territories and restricting the movement rights of Palestinians. The state further fueled this process by making substantial investments in these settlements.

In this trajectory, the state not only ensured the security of the settlements but also granted settlers the right to protect themselves. While the right of Israeli citizens to bear arms differs from the regulations in the US, settlers residing in proximity to Palestinian territories were afforded ease in carrying weapons.¹⁵Btseleem. “Settler Violence= State Violence”. Btsleem (25 Nov 2021). https://www.btselem.org/settler_violence. 12 November 2023. The surge in the use of weapons has contributed to increased violence, particularly in the West Bank. According to a report by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs spanning from 2010 to 2019, 2955 incidents of settler violence occurred, resulting in the death of 22 Palestinians and injuries to at least 1258 Palestinians.¹⁶Al Jazeera. “Israeli settler attacks against Palestinians by numbers”. Al Jazeera (3 March 2023). https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/3/israeli-settler-attacks-against-palestinians-by-the-numbers. 12 November 2023. In 2021, there was statistically one incident per day in these settlements. As of the beginning of this year, there have been three incidents of violence per day.¹⁷Ibid. Much like in the US, settlers in Israel are encouraged to own weapons as part of the right to self-defence. The Israeli Security Committee has confirmed the distribution of 150,000 weapons to these illegal settlers, especially after October 7.¹⁸Qassam Muaddi. “Thousands of Armed Israeli settlers threaten Palestinians in West Bank”. The New Arab (13 Oct 2023). https://www.newarab.com/news/armed-israeli-settlers-threaten-palestinians-west-bank. 12 November 2023.

In this context, it’s crucial to interpret violence not only as physical aggression but within a broader framework that encompasses various forms of violence—symbolic, property seizures, confiscation of agricultural land, and ambivalent practices within the judicial system. This inclusive perspective is essential for understanding how alternative forms of violence serve to legitimize physical violence. For instance, the application of Israeli civilian criminal law to settlers residing in Palestinian territories, as opposed to military or local law applicable to Palestinians, contributes to an increased propensity for violence among settlers.¹⁹Btseleem. “Settler Violence= State Violence”. Btsleem (25 Nov 2021). https://www.btselem.org/settler_violence. 12 November 2023.

Considering all these dimensions, the utilization of violence and its validation, situated within the interplay of settler colonialism, the modern state, and the settler, enhances our comprehension of the historical trajectory of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This article explores the notion of the settler within a theoretical framework, aiming to understand the anti-colonialist focus observed in demonstrations across multiple cities worldwide starting from October 7. As emphasized earlier in the article, despite the blurred distinctions between civilian and settler, this theoretical perspective elucidates the historical evolution of the settler phenomenon. It highlights its divergence from the concept of the civilian within the context of American and Israeli settler colonialism.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Al-Huraini, Hamdan Mohammed. “Settler-Soldier Militas threaten Susiya with Death and Displacement.”, 927 Magazine (31 October 2023). https://www.972mag.com/susiya-settler-soldier-militia-displacement/, 12 Kasım 2023.

Al Jazeera (3 March 2023). 

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/3/israeli-settler-attacks-against-palestinians-by-the-numbers. 12 November 2023.

Al Jazeera. “Who are Israeli settlers, and why do they live in Palestinian lands?”. Al Jazeera (6 Nov 2023). https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/11/6/who-are-israeli-settlers-and-why-do-they-live-on-palestinian-lands#:~:text=More%20than%20700%2C000%20settlers%20%E2%80%93%2010,is%20built%20without%20government%20authorisation. 12 November 2023.

Btseleem. “Settler Violence= State Violence”. Btsleem (25 Nov 2021). https://www.btselem.org/settler_violence. 12 November 2023.

Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne. “The Colonial Roots of Gun Culture”. In These Times (2 March 2018). https://inthesetimes.com/article/settler-colonialism-second-amendment-guns-white-supremacy-slavery#:~:text=Virginia%2C%20the%20first%20colony%2C%20forbade,afford%20to%20buy%20a%20weapon. 12 November 2023.

Gavison, Ruth. “The Jews Right to Statehood: A Defense,” Azure 15, no.3 (2003): 70-108.

Hegel, George Wilhelm Friedrich. Lectures on the Philosophy of World History. H.B.Nisbet. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975.

Kent, Lauren. “European colonizers killed so many Native Americans that it changed the global climate, researchers say”. CNN (2 February 2019). 

Khalidi, Rashid. The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonial Conquest and Resistance, 1917-2017. NY: Metropolitan Books, 2020.

Mamdani, Mahmood. Neither Settler Nor Native: The Making and Unmaking of Permanent Minorities. Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard, 2020.

Mbembe, Achille. Necropolotics. Durham: Duke University Press, 2019.

Muaddi, Qassam. “Thousands of Armed Israeli settlers threaten Palestinians in West Bank”. The New Arab (13 Oct 2023). https://www.newarab.com/news/armed-israeli-settlers-threaten-palestinians-west-bank. 12 November 2023.

Panovka, Rebecca & Barrow, Kierra. “A Desperate Situation Getting More Desperate: An Interview with Rashid Khalidi”. The Drift (24 October 2023). https://www.thedriftmag.com/a-desperate-situation-getting-more-desperate/, 12 Kasım 2023.

Pappe, Ilan. Ten Myths About Israel. NY: Verso Books, 2017.

TR 724. “Hakan Fidan’dan İsrail’e sert tepki: ‘Bunun adı yerleşimci değil, hırsızlıktır’”.TR 724 (17 Ekim 2023). https://www.tr724.com/hakan-fidandan-israile-sert-tepki-bunun-adi-yerlesimci-degil-hirsizliktir/, 12 Kasım 2023.

Weber, Marx. Politics as a Vocation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1946.